NOSTALGIA
FOR HOME
OR HOMELANDS
Romantic Nationalism and
the Indeterminate Narrative in Frances Burney’s The
Wanderer
Tamara Wagner
The Wanderer, or Female Difficulties
(1814), Frances Burney’s last novel, opens with
the flight of a nameless heroine in search of
her ‘loved, long lost, and fearfully recovered
native land’. [1]
Born in Wales and raised in France, the Wanderer
flees to England in the aftermath of the French
Revolution, attempting to find a safe haven in
a location she has been made to think of as her
home only to discover that she is marked as ‘a
poor destitute Wanderer’ (p. 49), considered
foreign by the insular Englishmen she encounters.
Homelessness and the longing for home are central
themes in the novel, tying in with the potentials
and pitfalls of a rising Romantic nationalism.
In juxtaposing prejudices based on ‘memories’
of a national past with personal longings for
home, friends, and family, The Wanderer
takes up and further conflicts the struggle between
self and society that informs Burney’s earlier
novels and indeed late-eighteenth-century ‘pre-Romantic’
fiction in general and becomes invested with new
possibilities and complications in the full-blown
Romantic novel. [2]
With its intriguing exposure of the new nationalist
nostalgia of the early nineteenth century, Burney’s
last novel casts a different light on the elusive
genre of Romantic fiction and the uses (and abuses)
of nostalgia by the Romantic nationalisms that
are created and critiqued in the literature of
the time. The concept of a shared, national, memory
is evoked and then dismissed as the dramatic fate
of the wandering orphan heroine dismantles ideologies
of the homeland. The longing for belonging is
instead realised by an alternative ideal community,
the chosen family, transcending national borders
and nationalist alignments by suggesting a domestic
solution to the warring desires of self-fulfilment
and social acceptance that plague the Romantic
self. This essay sees The Wanderer as a
reaction to the nationalist agenda that informs
a large number of Romantic novels and as an alternative
to Burkean reactions to the French Revolution.
Wholeheartedly
endorsing the new nationalist ideology of the
homeland, regional novels and national tales,
by contrast, attempt to create a communal nostalgia
for places that are meant to be exotic to the
general reader, while construing memories of something
that is familiar, though remote enough to be invested
with the allure of the exotic. It has been suggested
that Walter Scott creates a Highland Arcadia in
Waverley (1814) in which the hero’s ‘romantic
reservoir’ lives up to his expectations after
all. [3]
In Maria Edgeworth’s Ennui (1809) and The
Absentee (1812) and in Lady Morgan’s The
Wild Irish Girl (1806), estates in Ireland
figure as repositories of down-to-earth attachments
and ancient customs, as colonial spaces neglected
by absentee landlords, and as the true home, in
sharp relief to England, which is represented
by the corrupt city of London. In The Absentee,
for example, Lord Colambre’s return to ‘his mother
earth’ evokes ‘the early associations of his childhood,
and the patriotic hopes of his riper years.’ [4]The
Wild Irish Girl describes Ireland as ‘a colonised
or a conquered country’. [5]
The ‘diminutive body of our worthy steward’ appears
to be ‘the abode of the transmigrated soul of
some West Indian planter’ (p. 23).
Yet the hero’s original bias—his expectation of
an ‘Esquimaux group’ (p. 1)—is displaced
by his belief that there is ‘no country which
the Irish at present resemble but the modern Greeks’
(p. 182). In this land of antiquity, but
refreshing climate, Horatio can shed the ‘pining
atrophy’ (p. 58) he suffers in London. Like
Glenthorn in Edgeworth’s aptly entitled Ennui,
Horatio is ‘devoured by ennui, by discontent’
(p. 131) until he rediscovers ‘emotions of
a character, an energy, long unknown to [his]
apathised feelings’ (p. 45) in a landscape
that is exotic and replete with ‘communal’ nostalgia
for a new homeland. In these novels, a personal
quest coincides with a new patriotism; rebirth
with the regeneration of the rediscovered nation.
But what is presented as a straightforward alignment
in these novels is exposed as conflicted in The
Wanderer. The ideal or, in Benedict Anderson’s
useful phrase, ‘imagined community’ created by
Romantic ideologies of the homeland is not always
a viable option—as Burney’s wandering heroine
has to discover. [6]
Written in the aftermath of the French Revolution,
The Wanderer offers a different interpretation
of nationalist ideologies—one that is nonetheless
not simply an anti-Jacobin reaction to the excesses
of the radical sensibility of the 1790s. [7]
Frances Burney, by that time married to the émigré
Constitutionalist Alexandre d’Arblay, had first
hand experience of both British and French nationalist
xenophobia, and her last novel offers insight
into the production of fiction about the French
Revolution and the uses of nostalgia at the time.
ROMANTIC
NATIONALISM AND FICTIONS
OF NOSTALGIA
Nostalgia
is not merely a recurring theme and an emotion
that is both described in and evoked by the traditional
British novel, but it is also appropriated as
a strategic device to foster a community of readers.
In what has now become a much cited analysis of
the origins of nationalism, Benedict Anderson
has pointed out the significance of print-culture—and
specifically the novel and the newspaper as a
‘device for the presentation of simultaneity’—for
the creation of imagined communities. [8]
The Enlightenment, Anderson suggests, brings with
it ‘its own modern darkness’, in which the idea
of the nation, supported by the ‘English novel’,
serves to ensure a ‘secular transformation of
fatality into continuity’. [9]
In its focus on the simultaneity of events experienced
by a community of readers, British fiction presents
a ‘shared’ memory of common experiences that can
be used to fill the emotional void left by the
retreat, disintegration, or unavailability of
real communities and networks. [10]
Thomas Nipperdey has similarly suggested that
nationalism is set up as a promise of the re-integration
of a community rooted in a ‘common culture’ and
thus a product of nostalgia caused by the dissolution
of tradition and the concomitant uncertainty and
homelessness of the individual. [11]
Nostalgia, as a remarkably flexible as well as
creative emotion undergoing significant changes
in its definition and use at the time, is deployed
in the construction of nationalist ideologies
and promoted by the novel—an influential medium
with an increasingly widespread readership.
The
passing of time and the representation of memory,
however, are central to the development of the
traditional ‘classic’ novel in more than one way:
its use of nostalgia catering for a range of emotional
needs and reacting to a changing ideological climate.
A retrospective form of narrative and at the same
time concerned with the life and emotions of the
individual, the novel of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries primarily intends to offer personal,
individualised accounts of the past. In his influential
study The Rise of the Novel, Ian Watt has
already suggested that the classic novel interests
itself much more than any other literary form
in the development of its characters in the course
of time, while it also reflects a ‘growing tendency
for individual experience to replace collective
tradition’, which—as Ian Watt puts it—similarly
forms ‘an important part of the general cultural
background of the rise of the novel’. [12]
So far from being contradictory, Watt’s and Anderson’s
interpretations of the functions of time and nostalgia
in the genre’s early development pinpoint an ambiguity
that becomes a central preoccupation in Romantic
fiction. In English Fiction of the Romantic
Period, Gary Kelly significantly speaks of
the villain ‘Society’ as he analyses the conflicting
longings for individual self-fulfilment and the
creation of a new community or nation in the Romantic
period. [13]
This contradiction is already an essential aspect
of the ‘pre-Romantic’ cults of sensibility and
sentimentalism, as heroes and heroines of feeling
advocate a highly individualist focus on their
own emotions while simultaneously depending on
an ideology of empathy. While this dilemma appears
to be solved in self-confidently national or regional
fiction, it becomes reactivated in what can be
seen as the domestic Romantic fiction of Burney
and Austen.
As
Romantic nationalism creates an ideology of belonging
through the ‘othering’ of those outside the imagined
community—on its borders or margins—it has moreover
a dual relationship with its counterpart, Romantic
orientalism. While the fictional creation of Highland
Arcadias or a rediscovered ‘mother earth’ in Ireland
plays with the concepts of the exotic while fostering
a nation of readers and an awareness of a national
history or heritage, descriptions of the ‘other’
also serve to define the borders of the imagined
nation. Based on notions of exclusivity as well
as containment, the writing of the nation highlights
the presence of the ‘other’ as it simultaneously
attempts to displace otherness (onto other nations)
and to erase it (by subsuming it into an assumed
homogeneity). Homesickness and the longing for
‘other’ spaces consequently acquire additional
poignancy. In that the literary recreation of
such national spaces conjures up places that are
meant to be ‘exotic’ to the (English) reader,
it undercuts the shared longing for a home or
homeland. The ‘nostalgia’ these texts create is
therefore more akin to the longing for an exotic
site that is central to Romantic orientalism,
substituting Fernweh, the longing for the
remote, for Heimweh, or homesickness. As
Nigel Leask has pointed out, in Romantic literature
oriental places ‘displace the Arcadian locus amoenus
of neo-classicism from a Mediterranean “Golden
Age” to a “contemporary eastern site” ’.
[14]
As part of a general idealisation of a remote
place this form of nostalgia can become more easily
fraudulent and inauthentic. The nostalgic space
is often reduced to an ideal topography devoid
of any real emotional investment. Recent criticism
of European orientalism has amply shown that such
a writing of an exotic region or nation tends
to distort its representation. [15]The
Wild Irish Girl describes Ireland as ‘a colonised
or a conquered country’ (p. 172); and while
the novel succeeds in creating sympathy with the
colonised as well as the coloniser, the described
landscape also reduces it to a contained cosy,
exotic space. In The Absentee, this connection
between orientalism and the inner colonies is
comically exemplified by the ‘picturesque’ decorations
at Lady Clonbrony’s gala night, which include
a Chinese pagoda, a Turkish tent, and Alhambra
hangings (p. 37).
However,
while the representation of the ‘other’ in eighteenth-
and nineteenth-century literature has been amply
studied ever since Edward Said’s seminal Orientalism
(1975) and Culture and Imperialism (1993),
the dual function of nostalgia in the fiction
of the time has not received the attention it
deserves. In an influential postcolonial study
of the concepts of ‘otherness’ and hybridity,
Homi Bhabha speaks of ‘the heimlich pleasures
of the hearth’ that is poised against ‘the unheimlich
terror of the space or race of the Other’. [16]
Those ‘who will not be contained within the Heim
of the national culture’, Bhabha emphasises
with an allusion to Benedict Anderson, ‘articulate
the death-in-life of the idea of the ‘imagined
community’ of the nation’. [17]
The postcolonial reading of British and European
classics—ranging from a focus on Shakespeare’s
Caliban and Defoe’s Friday to a reassessment of
the ‘postcolonial Jane Austen’—has indeed become
standard practice in recent literary criticism.
[18]
In her analysis of the ‘Burkean themes of migrant
maternity, disinheritance, and sexual improprieties
of multinational proportions’ in early-nineteenth-century
novels by women writers, Deidre Lynch has suggested
that they redeploy Burke’s tropes or themes in
a more radical context by marking their heroines
as ‘by and large irredeemably hybrid’. [19]
Lynch, however, does not proceed to explore the
impact of these alternative narratives of longing
and belonging on the writing of nostalgia and
the construction of both nationalism and nostalgic
places themselves. In a recent eclectic study
of nostalgia as a cultural phenomenon, however,
Svetlana Boym significantly highlights a crucial
difference between personal nostalgia and a nostalgia
that has turned political, that has become a state
policy: ‘The official memory of the nation-state
does not tolerate useless nostalgia, nostalgia
for its own sake.’ [20]The
Wanderer analyses the effects of longings
that have been turned into state policies and
their clashes with the heroine’s personal needs
and desires, casting a different light on both
nationalism and nostalgia.
LONGING
FOR HOME:
CLINICAL HOMESICKNESS
AND ROMANTIC
MELANCHOLY
Dismissively treated as Romantic affectation,
nostalgia is a frequently misunderstood emotion
and way of remembering. As David Lowenthal has
put it, nostalgia is ‘a topic of embarrassment
and a term of abuse. Diatribe upon diatribe denounces
it as reactionary, repressive, ridiculous’. [21]
According to the OED, nostalgia has two
sets of meaning: firstly, having retained its
original pathological connotation, it is a ‘form
of melancholia caused by prolonged absence from
one’s home or country; severe home-sickness’.Secondly,
in its transferred usage, it describes ‘[r]egret
or sorrowful longing for the conditions
of a past age; regretful or wistful memory or
recall of an earlier time’. Romantic representations
of homesickness, homelessness, and homelands feed
on the twofold meanings of nostalgia. The history
of nostalgia, specifically its inception as a
clinical term to describe homesickness, is moreover
inseparable from its subsequent accumulation of
meanings, revealing also the origins of the most
common misunderstandings about nostalgia.
The
word ‘nostalgia’ was coined in a medical treatise
in 1688 to describe the physical symptoms of homesickness.
In his ‘Dissertatio Medica de NOSTALGIA,
oder Heimwehe’, the Swiss physician Johannes Hofer
analysed ‘stories of certain youths, thus afflicted,
that unless they had been brought back to the
native land, whether in a fever or censured by
the ‘Wasting Disease’, they had met their last
day on foreign shores’. In search of a medical
term for this malady, he combined Greek nostoV
‘return home’ and algoV
‘pain’, diagnosing nostalgia as a disease
caused by ‘the sad mood originating from the desire
for the return to one’s native land’. [22]
The meaning of nostalgia as a disease and an emotion
continued to fluctuate in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. In his Dissertation on the Influence
of the Passions upon Disorders of the Body
(1788), William Falconer carefully distinguished
between hypochondria, melancholia, and nostalgia,
although the latter was ‘said to begin with melancholy,
sadness, love of solitude’. These symptoms were
also those of love, which Falconer classified
as a passion and not a disease, highlighting the
ways in which these categories were seen to overlap.
Love could result in fever, epilepsy, or an aneurysm
of the aorta. [23]
In his Observations on the Nature, Kinds, Causes,
and Prevention of Insanity, Lunacy, or Madness
(1782), Thomas Arnold similarly maintained that
nostalgia—‘[t]his unreasonable fondness for the
place of our birth’—closely resembled both grief
and love. [24]
In the late-eighteenth-century cult of sensibility,
the symptoms of nostalgia—as of many other physical
maladies—were redefined as praiseworthy signs
of virtue and a high sensibility, anticipating
the Romantic idealisation of creative recall.
It
has been suggested that the concept of nostalgia
as a clinical term began to disappear in the course
of the nineteenth century, as the emotion nostalgia
was increasingly divorced from its symptomatology.
[25]
This process, however, was not as straightforward
as it has often been presented. Immanuel Kant
stressed the dependence even of a clinical nostalgia
on a time rather than on a place as he set out
to expose the patriotism of the Swiss, who had
been particularly associated with this ailment
ever since Hofer’s emphasis on his countrymen’s
homesickness. [26]
A return home, Kant argued, cured homesickness
in that it dispelled the illusions it had created:
‘Later, when they visit these places, they find
their anticipation dampened and even their homesickness
cured. They think that everything has drastically
changed, but it is that they cannot bring back
their youth.’ [27]
Nostalgia was conceived as a patriotic disease,
while also related to memories of the childhood
home. More significantly, even when considered
a clinical condition, it was begrudgingly admired
as a sign of loyalty to a time or place. The Romantics
particularly proceeded to appropriate nostalgia
in the contexts of a new idealisation of childhood
and childhood memories, of nature and the natural,
of the homeland, and also of what has been called
‘a larger state of consciousness, the familiar
mood known as Romantic melancholy’, an alignment
that contributes to the persistent confusion of
nostalgia with melancholy. [28]
Writing the tellingly entitled poem ‘Home-sick’
in 1799, Coleridge longed for the healing influence
of the air of his homeland, suggesting that homesickness
was a disease that could be cured by a return
home—in short, a clinical nostalgia—while he simultaneously
treated it as a Romantic yearning: ‘Thou Breeze,
that play’st on Albion’s shore!’ [29]
When Wordsworth wrote that ‘[a]ll good poetry
[…] takes its origin from emotion recollected
in tranquillity’, he formulated a definition of
poetic production that emphasised the creative
aspects of a specifically nostalgic way of recalling
events and emotions. [30]
Influenced
by Romantic poetry, the fiction of the time shared
its idealisation of longing, yet also depicted
pining protagonists within a realist narrative,
offering sympathetic insight into their yearnings
as well as an almost clinical description of their
symptoms. Fanny Burney’s early novels exemplify
this ambiguity, anticipating the analysis of different
forms of nostalgic longings in The Wanderer.
The vaguely defined illnesses with which her heroines
are afflicted conform to a pathological interpretation
of longing, even while they mark a shift from
the detailing of both love- and homesickness to
a sentimental idealisation of the home—of the
childhood home and of domesticity in general.
As in a host of novels of sensibility, raving
lovesick heroines are healed by a return to or
re-enactment of safe childhood homes. Yet as they
span the development of Romantic fiction from
the late eighteenth to the early nineteenth century,
it is possible to trace a shift from lovesickness
to a longing for home in the succession of Burney’s
novels. The suffering of the heroine of her first
novel, Evelina (1778), stands in the tradition
of what has been called ‘the sentimental love-madness
vogue’ of the late eighteenth century. [31]
Evelina longs for Lord Orville while at home;
her longing is mapped on her body. As her belief
in Lord Orville is restored, she is cured at once:
‘Lord Orville is still himself! […] Your happy
Evelina, restored at once to spirits and tranquillity.’
[32]
In Cecilia (1782), homelessness, combined
with the temporary loss of her lover, plunges
the heroine into a madness that can be traced
back to clinical nostalgia in its last stage as
well as to lovesickness. [33]
In Camilla (1796), the love-interest moves
into the background as the destruction of a happy
family and a physical pining for a return home
become the novel’s climaxes. Camilla resides in
‘the bosom of her respectable family’; the first
chapter is entitled ‘A Family Scene’: ‘O blissful
state of innocence, purity, and delight, why must
it fleet so fast? Why scarcely but by retrospection
is its happiness known?’ [34]
The loss of this home is the novel’s central crisis.
Camilla’s sickbed-reunion with her lover ends
in a wedding, not a funeral, but it is her reunion
with her family that constitutes the desired homecoming
to ‘primeval joy’:
Camilla, whose danger was the
result of self-neglect, as her sufferings had
all flowed from mental anguish, was already able
to go down to the study upon the arrival of Mr
Tyrold: where she received, with grateful rapture,
the tender blessings which welcomed her to the
paternal arms—to her home—to peace—to safety—and
primeval joy. [ 35]
The
Wanderer takes this interest in nostalgia
further by poising the experience of homesickness
against ideologies of the homeland with their
new nationalist appropriation of nostalgia. Written
against the background of the French Revolution
and the Terror and published almost two decades
after Camilla, Burney’s last novel is far
removed from the light-hearted parody of fashionable
society in Evelina. The Wanderer’s
subtitle, ‘Female Difficulties’, not only promises
a treatment of proto-feminist issues, but also
a focus on the peripheral participants in historical
events in the tradition of Walter Scott that goes
even further in its emphasis on the domestic effects
of historical cataclysms, leaving revolutionary
France behind very quickly to detail the difficulties
experienced by the persecuted heroine at home.
The plot can admittedly be seen as becoming submerged
by references to current issues and their underlying
ideologies. The Wanderer has consequently
been described as ‘not a novel at all, but a dissertation
on the inequalities of the sexes’. [36]
Set in the 1790s, but published only in 1814,
it has moreover been dismissed as ‘a belated novel,
striving to have the last word on controversies
no one cared about’. [37]
As a retrospective narrative, however, it significantly
draws the nationalist project of writing the past
into debate. At the same time, it recycles the
collapse of radical sensibility in the 1790s to
pinpoint the impact of the resulting xenophobia
on nineteenth-century attitudes to the foreigner,
to a migrant ‘other’ whose nostalgic memories
and longings are radically different from those
fostered by the radical novels of the 1790s and
from those promoted by Burkean reactions to the
Revolution.
HEARTILY
SICK OF AND FOR HOME:
REDEFINITIONS OF HOME
IN THE DOMESTIC
ROMANTIC NOVEL
Written partly
in England, partly in post-revolutionary, war-torn
France, and nearly confiscated by a police officer
at Dunkirk in August 1812, The Wanderer
is the product of warring French and British forms
of nationalism and their impact on the lives of
those caught up in-between—of the ‘hybrid’ characters.
[38]
Instead of detailing the horrors of Robespierre’s
Terror, it briefly refers to the heroine’s flight
to England and then proceeds to describe the sufferings
she is subjected to in her ‘native’ country. Juliet
alias Ellis flees on a boat across the
channel and, her money stolen, she arrives as
an ‘itinerant Incognita’ (p. 208). She is both
perceived as and feels ‘foreign’: ‘I feel myself,
though in my native country, like a helpless foreigner’
(p. 214). In her exile as an outcast at ‘home’,
she is ‘thus strangely alone—thus friendless—thus
desolate—thus mysterious’ (p. 102). As a nameless,
apparently stateless, and homeless heroine, she
is seen to wander through the class-system, in
which she is judged and treated according to her
changing appearance, her apparel, and her shifting
monetary and therefore societal status. The idealised
England of her imagination clearly fails to supply
the sought succour, investing Juliet’s raptures
on her arrival at the English coast, when she
darts ‘forward with such eagerness’ (p. 22), with
a bitter irony. Her wanderings only commence in
her ‘native’ land, become particularly poignant
inside English Great Houses, and are further conflicted
when she meets the blood relations she cannot
claim while retaining her anonymity. Returning
‘home’ from war-torn France offers neither welcome
nor safety.
The
homelessness and homesickness the Wanderer endures
in her ‘native’ country brings the incongruities
of nationalism home, setting it in a domestic
context, at the same time declaring the homeland
as an ideologically constructed concept. Gary
Kelly has stressed the duality of Romantic nationalism
in the 1790s, pointing out that while Britain
was at war with a militantly nationalist France,
nationalism was also used to block solidarity
between French revolutionaries and the Jacobins
in Britain. [39]
In The Wanderer, personal nostalgia stands
in stark contrast to the nationalism of post-revolutionary
France and to the nationalist xenophobia in Britain.
When her fellow passengers on the boat that takes
her to England discover her confused national
and social status, they unanimously agree that
Juliet ‘should hasten to return whence she came’
(p. 815). Her upbringing in France additionally
underscores the indeterminacy of her national
allegiances and her nostalgia for a home. In fleeing
France and a potential ‘home’ with a Frenchman
who has acquired power during the Terror, Juliet
also leaves her childhood home and her only protector,
guardian, and father-figure, a Catholic Bishop.
Reunited with him, she cries out in French: ‘ “My
guardian! My preserver! My more than father!—I
have not then lost you!” ’ (p. 857)
‘Home’ is exposed as an elusive space; and the
notion of a fixed home or place of origin as contingent
at best. Juliet becomes homesick as soon as she
arrives in her ‘native’ land. The place of her
nostalgic desire shifts from a long forgotten
place of birth to France, the country of her childhood,
her youth, her happiness: ‘ “Oh hours of
refined felicity past and gone, how severe is
your contrast with those of heaviness and distaste
now endured!” ’ (p. 429)
This
shift of a nostalgic space connects The Wanderer
to a more widely read novel that similarly aligns
the micro- or domestic politics of nostalgia with
imperial projects abroad—Jane Austen’s Mansfield
Park, published in the same year. Fanny Price’s
transference of homesickness during her exile
at home has been seen as evidence of a preoccupation
with differentiated spaces of alterity and imperial
cultural productions ever since Edward Said’s
influential analysis has re-inscribed the novel
within geopolitical discourses, [40]
as implicitly evoked anxieties of empire are seen
as shedding light on the domestic politics of
imperial homemaking. Sir Thomas’s expedition to
his plantations in Antigua and his treatment of
a dependent niece of course seem to invite such
readings. Even though Franco Moretti has recently
suggested that Sir Thomas goes abroad ‘not because
he must go there—but because he must
leave Mansfield Park’, [41]
as his absence is crucial to the development of
the plot, imperial attitudes and absentee landlordism
serve to underline the centrality of economic
relationships and homesickness in the novel. Miss
Price’s loss of home and consequent nostalgia
are undeniably bound up with the economics of
the estate and even more importantly, with medical
theories on the effects of dislocation through
her uncle’s use of homesickness as a ‘medicinal
project upon his niece’s understanding’. [42]
Taken from her parents’ overcrowded house, she
has been brought up by the self-congratulatory,
pompous West Indian planter. Not conforming to
his ideas of a suitable match for her, she is
sent ‘home’ into exile. The confrontation with
her parents’ comparative poverty is to ‘teach
her the value of a good income’, to ‘incline her
to a juster estimate of the value of that home
of greater permanence, and equal comfort, of which
she had the offer’. [43]
Counting on what he terms ‘wholesome regrets’,
Sir Thomas wishes her to be ‘heartily sick of
home before her visit ended’. [44]
This
connection between the economics of Sir Thomas’s
estates in England and the West Indies and the
dependent niece’s migrations and experience of
clinical nostalgia is complicated by the elusiveness
of her nostalgic ideal. The ideal home is revealed
to be discursively constituted by contrast: ‘[Mansfield]
was now the home. Portsmouth was Portsmouth; Mansfield
was home.’ [45]
While Fanny’s nostalgia turns out to be as constructive
as it is private, secretive, and isolating, the
desired place is significantly neither the home
allotted to her by her birth nor the home her
chosen family would choose for her. As Marilyn
Butler has pointed out, Fanny’s ‘implicit alternative
home’ is Everingham, Henry Crawford’s fashionably
improved estate. [46]
The desired nostalgic return to Mansfield is at
first not an offered option. However, as with
all of Austen’s heroines, Fanny insists on choosing
her allegiances—her home as well as her husband—herself.
This rejection of communal definitions and pressures
is perhaps the most Romantic element of this disputed
Romantic domestic novel. [47]
It shares with The Wanderer not only its
juxtaposition of the privacy of personal nostalgia,
of a longing for a specific place rendered desirable
particularly, even exclusively, to the nostalgic
individual, with a form of group pressure, but
also references to anxieties of empire that cast
an additional light on the effects of dislocation
and the clash of personal with national or communal
definitions of home.
Both
novels can be described as domestic Romantic fiction
in their emphasis on the implications and impacts
of empire, nationalism, and war at home. The
Wanderer, however, engages more emphatically
with current conceptualisations of national ideologies
and allegiances. While this focus on ideology
tends to submerge the story, it singles the novel
out as a Romantic novel about nationalism that
stresses its effects on the vulnerable individual—female,
hybrid, penniless, and at first disguised as a
black woman—and on domestic politics without becoming
confined to two inches of ivory. [48]
The Wanderer’s exilic condition at ‘home’ as well
as her nostalgia for ‘feelings of happier days’
(p. 102) in France are poised against the dramatised
political reactions of the boatload of representative
Englishmen she encounters during her flight. The
presentation of the ostensibly particularly English
chivalry of which the Admiral—who is, in fact,
Welsh, not English, and later revealed as one
of the Wanderer’s British relatives—appears to
be so proud is almost comical: ‘ “You appear
to be a person of as right a way of thinking,
as if you had lisped English for your mother-tongue” ’
(p. 23). The reaction of the young men to
a racially ‘other’, unprotected girl is even more
revealing with regard to both ‘female difficulties’
and imperial race relations. Dismissive racism—‘ “What,
is that black insect buzzing about us still?” ’
(p. 27)—is juxtaposed with aggressive desire:
‘ “Poor demoiselle […] wants a little bleaching,
to be sure; but she has not bad eyes; nor a bad
nose, neither” ’ (p. 27). Harleigh’s
quixotic knight-errantry is merely a different
way of expressing his sexual interest. Elinor,
the self-contradictory radical anti-heroine, comments
on his ‘maimed and defaced Dulcinea’, ‘this wandering
Creole’ (p. 50): If a defaced ‘other’ attracts
him, Elinor herself ‘won’t lose a moment in becoming
black, patched, and penniless’ (p. 28). This
‘general persecution against such afflicted innocence’
(p. 556) exposes the insular xenophobia of
British society in the aftermath of the French
Revolution. Intriguingly, the reactions to the
Revolution are depicted from the point of view
of an unclassified exile, whose disguise as a
‘native’ additionally invokes the incongruities
and injustices of both French and British imperial
ventures.
NATIVE
DIGNITY AND THE NATIVE
ENEMY: THE
ELUSIVENESS OF ROMANTIC
‘NATIVES’
Much has been made of Juliet’s disguise
as ‘a francophone African’, which can be seen
as an arraignment of French and British colonial
enterprises, and her escape from marriage to one
of Robespierre’s commissaries. [49]
Alternately a spectacle and a scapegoat, this
object of charity, suspicions, and sexual desire
is exploited for self-serving purposes and has
to engage all her powers of resistance ‘in refusing
to be stared at like a wild beast’ (p. 54).
It is significantly Elinor’s ‘spirit of contradiction’
that fixes ‘her design of supporting the stranger’
and ‘whom she exulted in thus exclusively possessing,
as a hidden curiosity’ (p. 55). Elinor’s
strategic display of this exotic curiosity in
her own pseudo-liberal revolutionary agenda turns
out to be more damaging than the xenophobia of
the narrow-minded, largely ignorant, defenders
of propriety. The representation of the native
‘other’ in the novel is, in fact, deeply ambiguous
and conflicted. It has been suggested that blackness
serves as a metaphor that connects the heroine’s
plight to that of slaves, but also that this alterity
is altered through what Sara Salih has termed
an ‘epidermic transformation’, which converts
the unfathomable other into a reassuringly native
subject. [50]
Claudia Johnson has pointed out an additional
ambivalence in the treatment of ‘the homologous
inflections of race, class, and gender’. [51]
The suggested solidarity with the racially oppressed,
from which radical criticism might emerge, is
undermined by the ridicule of Mrs Ireton’s slave
Mungo, whose status is lower than that of an Incognita
who is not ‘really’ black. [52]
Juliet, in fact, undergoes various forms of ‘enslavement’,
whereby her change of skin colour can be seen
as subverting criticism of racial subjugation
by reducing the function of slavery in the novel
to a metaphor. This use includes descriptions
of the ordeal Juliet undergoes as Mrs Ireton’s
‘humble companion’ and of her attempts to earn
her living as an exploited music-teacher or in
the confinement of a milliner’s shop as well as
her escape from the ‘bonds’ of matrimony. The
metaphorical connection between enforced marriages
and slavery is overtly, even bluntly, put. Juliet
flees from a wife’s place in her husband’s home—a
state she describes as the life of ‘a bond-woman’
(p. 848), ‘destined to exile, slavery, and
misery’ (p. 863). The themes of confused
national identities and the search for home, however,
permeate this engagement with metaphorical subjection,
eventually letting discourses of racial and national
‘otherness’ re-emerge.
The
Wanderer’s shifting status is pinpointed by the
multivalent deployment of the word ‘native’ in
the text. At first disguised as a ‘native’ dislocated
from an undefined ‘native’ land by French imperial
politics—and the issues of miscegenation are implied
in the discussion of her assumed origins—she employs
a camouflage of being at once a ‘native’ and a
racial ‘other’, while attempting to reach her
‘long lost, and fearfully recovered native land’
(p. 751), her place of birth, which then
turns out to be simply another—an ‘other’—place
of persecution, which makes her long for her lost
home abroad. Both the native as a noble savage
and the ‘wanderer’—and Juliet is at one point
compared to the ‘wandering Jew’ (p. 429)—are
Romantic figures, reasserting and further contributing
to the novel’s exploration of the Romantic concepts
of the ‘native’ and the ‘other’. In questioning
the ideals of the natural and the innate, Burney’s
text plays with the meanings of the word ‘native’.
Considered as French by the English, the Wanderer
is termed their ‘native enemy’ (p. 25), while
she is described as upholding her ‘native dignity’
(p. 51). It is one of the book’s incongruities
that while the suppression sanctioned by class-systems
is exposed, innate nobility stands nonetheless
affirmed. Juliet shares this aristocratic superiority
with the similarly exiled Gabriella, her ‘earliest
friend, the chosen sharer of her happier days
[…], restored to her in the hour of her desolation’
(p. 395). This foreigner is Juliet’s only
acknowledged connection in her so-called ‘native’
land. Both have been ‘driven, without offence,
or even accusation, from prosperity and honours,
to exile’ (p. 390). The wandering of the
two young ladies—brought up together, but one
born in England and one in France—at once centralises
and displaces the significance of their origins
by representing their experience of exile and
nostalgia for a home elsewhere as identical.
Their
parallel predicaments render Juliet’s questionable
Englishness a mere coincidence, while the characteristics
that mark her as ‘foreign’ or ‘other’ indicate
the indeterminacy of such categories as English-
or Britishness. In particular her accent is considered
as undermining her nationality, even though her
direct speech is interestingly presented in immaculate
‘standard’ English, as opposed to the various
sociolects in the novel. Having been brought up
in France, Juliet has ‘acquired something of a
foreign accent’ (p. 643). While her ‘epidermic
transformation’ externalises the indeterminacy
of her status as a ‘native other’, her accent
and attire are the skin-deep categories that deny
her the status of a native of England. Accents
as marks of ambiguous nationhood significantly
recur in the fiction of the time. For the boorish
Hughson in Montalbert (1795), a novel of
sensibility by the prolific late-eighteenth-century
novelist Charlotte Smith, for example, Montalbert’s
accent obscures, even denies, his Englishness:
‘ “Why, you can’t speak much now, Sir. […]
I suppose by your accent, Sir, that you are a
foreigner.” ’ [53]
The Wanderer ‘understands English on and off at
her pleasure’ (p. 16), but her use of assumed
and camouflaged ‘otherness’ is not meant as a
social imposture—unlike Madame Duval’s deliberate
masking of her lower-class background by a French
accent in Evelina—but as a means of survival.
[54]
In
Frances Burney’s fiction and increasingly in her
later novels, family ties stretch across national
borders. Madame Duval’s false Frenchness exemplifies
Burney’s early and primarily comical use of French
characters. In the wake of the French Revolution
and specifically after Britain’s declaration of
war, representations of the French expectedly
become more conflicted. In The Wanderer,
Juliet’s parenthood may be purely British—involving
only ‘transgressions’ across class-boundaries—but
she has nonetheless two families for whose re-integration
she longs. As Deirdre Lynch has succinctly put
it, she remains ‘irredeemably hybrid’. [55]
Her ‘adoptive’ family comprises an imprisoned
Bishop, his sister, and her unhappily married
daughter, who mourns for her dead child and bewails
her exile. The head of Juliet’s English family
as good as refuses to acknowledge the relation,
and her anonymous encounter with her half-brother
is fraught with the possibilities of incestuous
rape. Eventually, Lady Aurora and Lord Melbury
happily acknowledge the half-sister whose identity,
legitimacy, and worth—in a monetary as well as
moral sense—have been proved. These two paragons
of noble sensibility form the ideal familial community
of her nostalgic imagination, evoking ‘all her
tenderest affections’ (p. 754). Her connections
allow her to receive the offer of marriage she
longs for, ending her wandering in a familial
community.
Although
the Wanderer’s search for home amidst contending
nationalisms seems in part to enact the rhetoric
of Edmund Burke’s influential Reflections on
the Revolution in France (1790), the mixed
nationalities of her families effectively dismantle
such nationalist alignments. Burke extols ideological
strategies to give the ‘frame of polity the image
of a relation in blood’ by
binding up the constitution
of our country with our dearest domestic ties,
adopting our fundamental laws into the bosom of
our family affections, keeping inseparable and
cherishing with the warmth of all their combined
and mutually reflected charities our state, our
hearths, our sepulchres, and our altars. [ 56]
The Wanderer’s hybridity subverts
this fiction of a nation of relations. Instead,
the novel ends with the realisation of a domestic
alternative, at once evading and transcending
nationalist ideologies of the homeland.
Refutations
of and reactions to the Reflections recur
in fictional and non-fictional texts of the 1790s,
as Burke’s idealisation of the aristocracy and
reverence for buildings that symbolise established
institutions—and Burke even describes the Bastille
as a venerable castle—complicate the functions
of nostalgia and the picturesque in British novels
that endorse a radical sensibility. Wollstonecraft
expresses a radical rejection of Burkean nostalgia
when she questions the point of restoring old
buildings: ‘[W]hy was it a duty to repair an ancient
castle, built in barbarous ages, of Gothic materials?’
[57]
Charlotte Smith’s self-avowedly pro-revolutionary
novel Desmond (1792) is more ambiguous
in its representation of the needs of revolution
and, more emphatically, reform, yet its rejection
of Burkean sentiments remains clear-cut. Writing
home from France, the titular hero exposes the
‘malignant fabrications’ that are circulated in
England. [58]
Burkean rhetoric is denounced in a stylistic parody
as sublime as Burke’s own eloquence:
I will not enter into a discussion
of it, though the virulence, as well as the misrepresentation
with which it abounds, lays it alike open to ridicule
and contradiction. […] I foresee that a thousand
pens will leap from their standishes (to parody
a sublime sentence of his own) to answer such
a book. [ 59]
Burney’s retrospective novel
is necessarily far removed from such radical endorsements
of a revolutionary agenda. The excesses of a British—off-stage,
as it were—appreciation of the French Revolution
are, in fact, embodied, and to an extent parodied,
in the character of Elinor, a proto-feminist,
pro-revolutionary, suicidal atheist who is shown
to proclaim her ideological leanings primarily
out of a ‘spirit of contradiction’ (p. 55).
Various critics have considered Elinor the result
of a misreading of Wollstonecraft. Julia Epstein
calls her Juliet’s ‘protofeminist revolutionary
alter ego’, whose suicide attempt rescues the
heroine ‘just as Bertha Mason would later rescue
Jane Eyre’. [60]
While the novel treats the migrant’s difficulties
with sympathy and indignation, Elinor is, in fact,
deeply tainted by her eccentric and, it is emphasised,
inherently selfish appropriation of such sympathies
with the suppressed. It is this twist that complicates
an anti-Jacobin reading, singling out the novel
as a significantly and intriguingly ambiguous
treatment of the repercussions of nationalist
and radical ideologies and particularly their
use and abuse of sympathies with the homeless
as well as of nostalgia for a home.
As
Frances Burney’s last novel reacts against the
concept of a British nationalist counter-ideology
to the expansionist French nationalism, it takes
the domestic novel into the realm of a more politically
conscious genre without lapsing into the openly
proclaimed agenda of nationalist literature. Romantic
nationalism as founded on a shared culture is
instead shown to clash with a personal past; the
xenophobia nurtured by Jacobin as well as anti-Jacobin
ideologies with the heroine’s hybridity; and a
manufactured nationalist heritage nostalgia with
homesickness. The liberal, even radical, attitudes
underlying the representation of a woman pursued
by her husband, of the racism directed against
a (seemingly) black refugee, and the treatment
of an employee or hired companion, however, are
undercut by the exposure of the anti-heroine’s
false liberality and eventual breakdown. The heroine
herself is not only safely married, but revealed
to be white, legitimate, and a member of the British
upper classes after all. Nonetheless, The Wanderer
provides an alternative to both pro-revolutionary
novels of a radical sensibility and to anti-Jacobin,
Burkean, reactions, offering an exploration of
the impact of imperialist and nationalist economies
and ideologies at home without becoming merely
a domestic novel confined to the representation
of a small stratum of society. As such, it sheds
a different light on the heterogeneity of Romantic
fiction and the writing of the French Revolution.

NOTES
1. Frances
Burney, The Wanderer, or Female Difficulties, edd. Margaret
Anne Doody, et al. (Oxford: OUP, 1991), p. 751. Further
references to this text are from this edition and will be included
parenthetically in the essay.
2. A
much-disputed term, ‘pre-Romantic’ (or ‘preromantic’) has been
revived by Marshall Brown in Preromanticism (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1991). Suggesting that the prefix
should be understood ‘in its differentiating sense’, Brown emphasises
that ‘preromantic’ could be used to refer to the period preceding
Romanticism ‘precisely because it was not yet romantic’
(p. 2). More recently, Jennifer Keith has reassessed the
influence of Northrop Frye, who initiated a still prevalent
label—the ‘Age of Sensibility’—in an important essay first published
in 1956, and of Brown’s resuscitation of pre-Romanticism. Keith
stresses the importance of freeing the pre-Romantics ‘from merely
anticipating the Romantics’, while appreciating what the Romantics
learned from them—‘ “Pre-Romanticism” and the Ends of Eighteenth-Century
Poetry’, in The Cambridge Companion to Eighteenth-Century
Poetry, ed. John Sitter (Cambridge: CUP, 2001), p. 286.
Cf. Northrop Frye, Fables of Identity: Studies in Poetic
Mythology (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1963),
pp. 130–37. I use the term ‘pre-Romantic’ to refer to late-eighteenth-century
novels, not simply as an alternative to calling them ‘novels
of sensibility’, but as an umbrella term that encompasses the
Gothic novel and the early national tale as well. These novels
anticipate full-blown Romantic fiction both in time and in experimenting
with the themes, topoi, and styles that came to be associated
particularly with the Romantic age. As Brown has put it, ‘[i]n
many cases, the preromantics fashioned empty vessels that only
their successors were able to fill’ (p. 7).
3. Walter
Scott, Waverley (1814; Edinburgh: Adam & Charles
Black, 1870), p. 153.
4. Maria
Edgeworth, The Absentee, edd. W. J. McCormack and
Kim Walker (Oxford: OUP, 1988), pp. 81 and 80.
5. Lady
Morgan (Sydney Owenson), The Wild Irish Girl, introd.
Bridgid Brophy (London: Pandora, 1986), p. 172.
6. Benedict
Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the
Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983),
passim.
7. Cf.
Chris Jones, Radical Sensibility: Literature
and Ideas in the 1790s (London: Routledge, 1993),
passim.
10.
Ibid., p. 13.
11.
Thomas Nipperdey, ‘In Search of
Identity: Romantic Nationalism, its Intellectual, Political
and Social Background’, in Romantic Nationalism in
Europe, ed. J. C. Eade (Canberra: Australian
National University Press, 1983), pp. 10–15.
12.
Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (London:
Peregrine Books, 1963), pp. 23 and 14.
13. Gary
Kelly, English Fiction of the Romantic Period 1789–1830
(London: Longman, 1989), p. 43.
14. Nigel
Leask, British Romantic Writers and the East (Cambridge:
CUP, 1992), p. 20.
15. Cf.
Janet Sorensen, ‘Writing Historically, Speaking Nostalgically:
The Competing Languages of Nation in Scott’s The Bride
of Lammermoor’, in Narratives of Nostalgia, Gender
and Nationalism, edd. Jean Pickering and Suzanne Kehde
(London: Macmillan, 1997), pp. 30–51.
16. Homi
K. Bhabha (ed.), Nation and Narration (London:
Routledge, 1990), p. 2.
18.
You-me Park and Rajeswari Sunder
Rajan (eds), The Postcolonial Jane Austen (London:
Routledge, 2000).
19. Deidre
Lynch, ‘Domesticating Fictions and Nationalising Women:
Edmund Burke, Property, and the Reproduction of Englishness’,
in Romanticism, Race, and Imperial Culture, 1780–1830,
edd. Alan Richardson and Sonia Hofkosh (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1996), p. 59.
20.
Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York:
Basic Books, 2001), p. 14.
21. David
Lowenthal, ‘Nostalgia Tells It Like It Wasn’t’, in The
Imagined Past: History and Nostalgia, edd. Christopher
Shaw and Malcolm Chase (Manchester: MUP, 1989), p. 20.
22. Johannes
Hofer, ‘Medical Dissertation on Nostalgia by Johannes
Hofer, 1688’, trans. Carolyn Kiser Anspach, Bulletin
of the Institute of the History of Medicine 2 (1934),
380–81.
23.
William Falconer, A Dissertation
on the Influence of the Passions upon Disorders of the
Body (London, 1796), pp. 155–56 and 45.
24.
Thomas Arnold, Observations on
the Nature, Kinds, Causes, and Prevention of Insanity,
Lunacy, or Madness (London, 1782), pp. 265–66.
25.
See J. Starobinski, ‘The Idea of
Nostalgia’, trans. W. S. Kemp, Diogenes 54
(1966), 81–103. But see also George Rosen, ‘Nostalgia:
A “Forgotten” Psychological Disorder’, Clio Medica
10 (1975), 29–51. In Amnesiac Selves: Nostalgia, Forgetting,
and British Fiction, 1810–1870 (Oxford: OUP, 2001),
Nicholas Dames similarly suggests that when nostalgia
was ‘debunked’ as a disease, it also ‘[lost] its dignity
as a mode of memory’ (p. 47). Boym disputes this
concept of nostalgia’s loss of its pathological aspect.
Quite the reverse, the Romantic age saw ‘its transformation
from a curable disease into an incurable condition’ (p. xviii).
In Nostalgia and Recollection in Victorian Culture
(London: Macmillan, 1998), Ann C. Colley moreover suggests
that while the Victorian painters and writers whose works
she analyses ‘would not have been considered clinically
nostalgic by their contemporaries […], they in some way,
mirror the case studies described by physicians’ (p. 3).
26.
Immanuel Kant, Anthropology from
a Pragmatic Point of View, trans. Victor Lyle Dowdell
(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1978),
p. 60.
28.
Jay Clayton, Romantic Vision
and the Novel (Cambridge: CUP, 1987), pp. 60–61
and 70.
29.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Poetical
Works (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001),
ll. 15–16.
30.
William Wordworth, Lyrical Ballads
(Bristol, 1800), Preface.
31.
Helen Small, Love’s Madness:
Medicine, the Novel, and Female Insanity (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 90.
32.
Frances Burney, Evelina,
ed. Harold Bloom (1778; New York: Chelsea House, 1988),
p. 278.
33.
Frances Burney, Cecilia,
edd. Peter Sabor and Margaret Anne Doody (1782; Oxford:
OUP, 1988).
34.
Frances Burney, Camilla,
edd. Edward A. and Lillian D. Bloom (1796; London:
OUP, 1972), pp. 8 and 13.
36.
Tracy Edgar Daugherty, Narrative
Techniques in the Novels of Fanny Burney (New York:
Peter Lang, 1989), pp. 164–65.
37.
Claudia L. Johnson, Equivocal
Beings: Politics, Gender, and Sentimentality in the 1790s
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 167.
38.
Cf. Margaret Anne Doody, Frances
Burney: The Life in the Works (Cambridge: CUP, 1988),
pp. 313–16; Kate Chisholm, Fanny Burney: Her Life
1752–1840 (London: Chatto & Windus, 1998), p. 220.
40.
Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism
(London: Chatto & Windus, 1993), p. 73. Cf. Susan
Fraiman, ‘Jane Austen and Edward Said: Gender, Culture,
and Imperialism’, Critical Inquiry 21 (1995), 805–21.
41.
Franco Moretti, Atlas of the
European Novel 1800–1900 (London: Verso, 1999), p. 27.
42.
Jane Austen, Mansfield Park,
ed. R. W. Chapman (1814; London: OUP, 1953), p. 369.
44.
Ibid. pp. 366 and 369.
46.
Marilyn Butler, Jane Austen and
the War of Ideas (1975; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987),
p. 241.
47.
On its disputed status as a Romantic
novel cf. Clayton, pp. 60–61 and 70. Kelly speaks
of Austen’s ‘paradoxical status as a Romantic novelist’
(p. 111). Clara Tuite’s recent study, Romantic
Austen: Sexual Politics and the Literary Canon (Cambridge:
CUP, 2002), however, considers the Austen novel as ‘a
specifically Romantic form of cultural production’ (p. 1).
48.
In Bardic Nationalism: The Romantic
Novel and the British Empire (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1997), Katie Trumpener has suggested
that the much disputed allusion to the slave-trade in
Mansfield Park should be seen as ‘politically hard-hitting
rather than evasive, a moment at which Austen’s reader
will know to fill in contemporary debates about abolition’
(p. 163).
49.
Sara Salih, ‘ “Her Blacks,
her Whites and her Double Face”: Altering Alterity in
The Wanderer’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction 11
(1999), 301.
50.
Ibid., p. 307.
53.
Charlotte Smith, Montalbert
(London: S. Low, 1795), p. 50.
54.
In Charlotte Smith’s first novel,
Emmeline (1788), by contrast, Frenchified manners
and affected accents are simply ridiculed. ‘Something
of a coxcomb’ (p. 363), the self-elected Frenchman
Bellozane indulges in displays of ‘excessive vanity’ (p. 381)
and ‘the volatility of his adopted country’ (p. 499).
See Charlotte Smith, Emmeline: The Orphan of the Castle
(London: Pandora, 1987). See Doody on false nationalities
in Evelina (p. 52).
56.
Edmund Burke, Reflections on
the Revolution in France (1790; London: Penguin, 1986),
p. 120.
57.
Mary Wollstonecraft, Political
Writings, ed. Janet Todd (Oxford: OUP, 1994), p. 41.
58.
Charlotte Smith, Desmond,
edd. Antje Blank and Janet Todd (1792; London: Pickering
& Chatto, 1997), p. 52.
60.
Julia Epstein, ‘Marginality in Frances
Burney’s novels’, The Cambridge Companion to the Eighteenth-Century
Novel, ed. John Richetti (Cambridge: CUP, 1996), p. 208.
Johnson similarly suggests that ‘The Wanderer refutes
Wollstonecraft as Burney stunningly misreads her’ (p. 145).
Compare Justine Crump, ‘ “Turning the World Upside
Down”: Madness, Moral Management, and Frances Burney’s
The Wanderer’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction
10 (1998), 325–40. See also Claire Harman’s Fanny Burney:
A Biography (London: HarperCollins, 2000) on Harleigh’s
intellectually spineless pleadings with Elinor (pp. 324–27).
COPYRIGHT
INFORMATION
This article is copyright © 2003 Centre
for Editorial and Intertextual Research, and is the result
of the independent labour of the scholar or scholars credited
with authorship. The material contained in this document
may be freely distributed, as long as the origin of information
used has been properly credited in the appropriate manner
(e.g. through bibliographic citation, etc.).
REFERRING
TO THIS ARTICLE
T. S. WAGNER. ‘Nostalgia for
Home or Homelands: Romantic Nationalism and the Indeterminate
Narrative in Frances Burney’s The Wanderer’, Cardiff
Corvey: Reading the Romantic Text 10 (June 2003).
Online: Internet (date accessed): <http://www.cf.ac.uk/encap/corvey/articles/
cc10_n03.html>.
CONTRIBUTOR
DETAILS
Tamara S. Wagner is a Junior Fellow at
the National University of Singapore. She has published
articles on nostalgia, occidentalism, and nineteenth-century
ideals of masculinity and has contributed essays to the
Victorian and the Postcolonial Web Projects. She is currently
completing her first monograph, Longing: Narratives
of Nostalgia in the British Novel, 1740–1890, which
draws on her doctoral research at the University of Cambridge.
Her latest projects include a study of colonial and postcolonial
representations of the Straits Settlements and a study
of Jane Austen’s niece, the Victorian novelist Catherine
Hubback. A book chapter on sequels to Austen’s novels
is forthcoming.

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1 July, 2003
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This document is maintained by Anthony Mandal (Mandal@cf.ac.uk).
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